One key finding of the first DTD field trial is that the disorder is distinct from PTSD, suggesting that it exerts different effects and requires a unique approach. Van der Kolk, Spinazzola, and Ford showed that compared with children with PTSD, children who meet the criteria for DTD are more likely to experience panic disorder, separation anxiety disorder, ADHD, and disruptive behavior disorders such as ODD ( European Journal of Psychotraumatology opens in new window, Vol. 10, No. 1, 2019). They also found that exposure to interpersonal trauma, such as family and community violence, or attachment adversity, such as from an impaired caregiver or emotional abuse, were more closely associated with DTD symptoms than PTSD symptoms ( Journal of Traumatic Stress opens in new window, Vol. 31, No. 5, 2018). Ford said this indicates that DTD likely results from a combination of one or more forms of traumatic victimization—challenges to a child’s sense of safety or personal and bodily integrity—as well as a disruption in attachment bonding with a primary caregiver.
In a separate study led by Spinazzola, youth who faced psychological maltreatment—emotional abuse or neglect that would not qualify as a PTSD Criterion A stressor—had at least as many behavioral problems and mental health disorders as children who were physically or sexually abused, but their pattern of symptoms was different ( Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy opens in new window, Vol. 6, Suppl. 1, 2014).
“What we’ve found is that the symptoms we’ve identified as part of DTD hold together very well and are distinct from symptoms of PTSD and other psychiatric disorders,” said Ford.
Another factor that distinguishes DTD from PTSD: Symptoms tend to vary based on the developmental period when trauma occurred. Child development can be seen as a progression through a series of stages, each with its own developmental tasks and opportunities. Examples include forming healthy attachments with caregivers in infancy and early childhood, establishing healthy interpersonal relationships with friends in middle and late childhood, and developing a sense of personal identity and purpose in adolescence, said Christopher Layne, PhD, a clinical psychologist and the director of education in evidence-based practice at the UCLA–Duke University National Center for Child Traumatic Stressopens in new window. The successful completion of each developmental task lays the groundwork to take on and subsequently achieve others.
“We can think about complex trauma exposure as the disruption of key developmental tasks that can have a cascading forward effect,” Layne said.
For example, a child who did not learn to self-soothe may exhibit adaptations such as head-banging, compulsive masturbation, or substance misuse, depending on the child’s developmental stage, said Spinazzola. Those reactions can in turn make it harder to complete future developmental tasks, such as forming healthy relationships with peers (Hawes, D. J., et al., American Psychologist opens in new window, Vol. 76, No. 2, 2021).
The source of harm also matters. Children who face complex trauma are often abused or neglected in the context of caregiver relationships, which Layne said can be more detrimental than harm done by a stranger because it challenges a child’s basic understanding of healthy attachments and the benign nature of others—and violates the expectation that caregivers will reliably love, nurture, and protect their children.
“It changes your core beliefs about people, about the world, about safety, about the future—in a way that straightforward PTSD doesn’t,” Habib said.
While proponents say that adding DTD and cPTSD to classification systems will improve treatment, enhance research, and help better explain comorbidities, not all trauma practitioners support the change. Critics argue that the DSM and ICD are intended to define disorders based on symptoms rather than etiology, and that there is not yet a clear causal link between traumatic experiences and the symptoms of DTD (Schmid, M., et al., BMC Psychiatry opens in new window, Vol. 13, No. 3, 2013).
Some researchers who study trauma say that adding diagnoses for disorders such as cPTSD and DTD is not necessary because there are ways to study PTSD that provide enough nuance to identify a spectrum of reactions to traumatic events.
“By focusing on the frequency and severity of a child’s experiences, we can capture meaningful neurobiological, psychological, and behavioral consequences of trauma within the existing classification system,” said Katie McLaughlin, PhD, a professor in Harvard University’s Department of Psychology who studies the neurobiological effects of childhood trauma.
McLaughlin’s team has found that as the severity and chronicity of trauma increase, so do changes in the brain. Kids exposed to more frequent or intense trauma—for example, a child sexually abused by a parent for years versus a child sexually abused one time by a stranger—have a stronger amygdala response to facial expressions of anger and fear, indicating increased sensitivity to threat ( Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatryopens in new window , Vol. 54, No. 9, 2015).
Neurobiological responses also appear to differ by developmental stage. Children who are maltreated before age 12 have lower hippocampal volumes than those exposed to trauma during adolescence or not at all (Riem, M. M. E., et al., Development and Psychopathology opens in new window, Vol. 27, No. 2, 2015). McLaughlin said this may help explain problems with learning and academic performance, because kids exposed to trauma tend to do worse on simple memory tasks, such as word recall ( Developmental Cognitive Neuroscienceopens in new window , Vol. 38, 2019).
But Ford cautions that this approach may leave out children like James who do not meet the criteria for PTSD, because without a diagnosis that links their symptoms to trauma, their health care providers are unlikely to deliver trauma-informed treatment.